What was multiculturalism

Beaverbrae, March It was all done within the course of a flight and the 30 minutes in the airport. That was it. And that was me, at that point, a permanent resident of Canada and it was like: wow! This is, this is it! So, no, there was nothing to hold me back. As soon as it was legally possible, we became Canadians.

Canada became our country and we love Canada. I never learned which of the original 13 colonies they were baptized by. It takes a lot of humility. I invite you to find refuge in love, and share who you are. I came to Canada I lived in Regina. I am happy to visit in Moose Jaw Museum. I am proud to live in Canada I am from Somalia.

Heads or tails" father said as he balanced the coin on his fingertips. The coin flipping ceremony was decided upon after many hours of heated discussion, ending in a stalemate. They had agreed to emigrate, the choice was between Australia and Canada.

Mother opted for the former because her sister had emigrated to Free mantle in the late thirties. She married an Aussie soon after her arrival; her letters were filled with glowing commentaries of life down under. Father, on the other hand, had relatives in Canada, who also wrote urging him to take advantage of the many opportunities waiting in Canada.

They agreed to let the coin decide. At that time we had 3 choices for immigration: Australia, South Africa and Canada. We decided on Canada because it was closer and a return trip to Germany would have been less expensive. It also seemed more interesting than the other two countries. When the server came around with this bread, we didn't know what to think.

We surely thought we would not be able to swallow it since we couldn't crunch it in our teeth. We thought it may get stuck in our throat! At first the soft white sliced bread tasted like cake to me. Unidentified evacuee children on board the S.

Bayano, August Canada allowed me to become a Canadian Citizen, gifted me a future, one of freedom of speech and religion, the opportunity to make choices, allowing me to determine my future! I am eternally grateful to Canada for all of these gifts and privileges! They went to buy bread. I moved to Canada when I was two years old. We came from the Netherlands - the memories I have are sitting in the airport in Toronto and refusing to move, and the mud in our new home in Fox Creek, Alberta.

I would bring my family album, learn more about my country so I can share with my new Canadian Family. We have had our share of sorrows, but also lots of joy. Life has been wonderful here in this marvelous country. I am thankful and grateful that I have had the opportunity to live here. Canada, in my opinion, the greatest country and the most generous, fine people to be found.

Queen Frederica, March Image courtesy of the Brana family. Doppenberg family on board the M. Our agreed time to work and save as a family was up. I began saving for my wedding.

I came to Canada 4 months ago: when arrived to Canada I was scared. I am happy to live in Canada. JW Edmonton, AB. That evening, my Dad had bought some "Canadian sliced white bread", which was something new for us, which he made extra special by buttering the bread and sprinkling sugar on top In we bought our first house in West Vancouver. The light of the bright moon illuminated the cemetery walls. At this point my eyes were dimmed with tears. I kissed my son on the forehead and I whispered.

Ascania, December Saturnia, April It was the Canadian Red Cross that came to our aid when our house in London was bomb damaged during the war. I was 11 years of age and vividly remember the boxes of clothing and food they delivered to our door. I promised myself that I would go to Canada one day. I never found those gold nuggets, however, Canada gave me more than gold. This is an immeasurable country, full of opportunities. God Bless this land. I once said "Mom, you were so brave to come to Canada as a war bride.

Mom and Dad worked had to improve the family way of life. Thank you Canada, thank you dear Canadian friends, who helped us to feel here completely at home. We were the only ones on the ship not ill. From the seven people that arrived on Pier 21 on May 15th, , we are now 57 proud Canadians. Thank You Canada!!! Greek Hellenic youth, Image courtesy of the Delefes family. Thank You Canada! Before boarding the train, my mother went to a nearby convenience store to purchase some food.

The sights and sounds of Pier 21 will remain with me forever. I felt closer to my parents and grandmother than ever before because I was able to share in this memorable experience. This was truly a great day for Canada and for me. Thanks Pier 21! My advice would be…Stay warm in the winter. Stop in at a Tim Horton.

Try moose meat at least once. And keep smiling. To Canada, we are also grateful, for allowing us the opportunity to become part of this great nation; for accepting us for what we were and for allowing us to become what we are, proud Canadians. We were lead to other tables and received our fist nourishment on Canadian soil. Many were still seasick and the texture of the nourishment did not help. Compared to European wieners, the hot dogs were tasteless and the mustard too sweet.

Along with the hot dog came a slice of white, square pieces of tasteless sponge. All of us, used to European rye bread or white rolls, did not recognize it as a standard Canadian bread. Canada was part of our greatest journey on this earth, being welcomed in this land gave us the freedom to shape us into individuals that have contributed much, and so therefore, the sacrifice of leaving our native land, facing many trials and overcoming many hurdles, says it all for us and our posterity.

I thank God for Canada and the life my family has enjoyed here. It has been a terrific country to grow up in and to live. There's no place on earth I'd rather live.

My parents, brother and I would like to thank the Canadian government and its people for allowing us to be part of them, and we are. May God Bless this beautiful land called Canada. Home Canadian Multiculturalism Policy, Canadian Multiculturalism Policy, In a statement to the House of Commons on 8 October , Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau announced multiculturalism as an official government policy.

Sarah V. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, , Wayland, Peter S. Li Toronto: Oxford University Press, , Hawkins, Arriving at Halifax Before Pier Countless Journeys. One Canada. Are you in this Picture? Thank You Canada. From Our Collection. Kevin Yip, arrived from Hong Kong, Maria Grace, arrived from Italy, Cecil Harrison, arrived from Scotland, Uma Jillellamudi, arrived from the United Arab Emirates, Samina Tabassum, arrived from Pakistan, First Taste of White Bread.

Berthold Schaefers, arrived from Germany, First Home In Canada. Ole Falkeisen, arrived from the Netherlands, Lewis Borg, arrived from Malta, Yolan Bencsik, arrived from Hungary, Margherita Facchin writing about her grandfather Vincenzo Armenti, arrived from Italy, Maria Carriero, arrived from Italy, Leonida Zeikute, arrived from Lithuania, Carmen Larsen-Grijalva, arrived from Venezuela, Cathy Bos, arrived from the Netherlands, Fedor Szugalew, arrived from Russia, Wazhma Sahle-Mohammad, arrived from Afganistan, Kevin, Yip, arrived from China, Aljas Peep, arrived from Estonia, Helmut Max Erxleben, arrived from Germany, Tehseen Ahmed, arrived from Pakistan via Afghanistan, Li Lei, arrived from China, Luigi Antonucci, arrived from Italy, Hans C.

Andersen, arrived from Denmark, Luigino Zanatta, arrived from Italy, Elisabeth Zoffmann, arrived from Denmark, Finn Sander, arrived from Denmark, Zahra Al-Harazi, arrived from Yemen, Laszlo Galambos, arrived from Hungary, Hanns Skoutajan, arrived from Czechoslovakia. Zohra Mawji, arrived from India, Some liberals are also individualists when it comes to social ontology what some call methodological individualism or atomism. Methodological individualists believe that you can and should account for social actions and social goods in terms of the properties of the constituent individuals and individual goods.

The target of the communitarian critique of liberalism is not so much liberal ethics as liberal social ontology. Communitarians reject the idea that the individual is prior to the community and that the value of social goods can be reduced to their contribution to individual well-being. Because our identities are formed dialogically, we are dependent on the recognition of others. He discusses the example of the survival of French culture in Quebec.

The French language is not merely a collective resource that individuals might want to make use of and thereby seek to preserve, as suggested by a politics of equal respect. Because of the indispensable role of cultures in the development human agency and identity, Taylor argues, we should adopt the presumption of the equal worth of all cultures A second justification for multiculturalism comes from within liberalism but a liberalism that has been revised through critical engagement with the communitarian critique of liberalism.

Will Kymlicka has developed the most influential liberal theory of multiculturalism by marrying the liberal values of autonomy and equality with an argument about the value of cultural membership , , Rather than beginning with intrinsically valuable collective goals and goods as Taylor does, Kymlicka views cultures as instrumentally valuable to individuals, for two main reasons.

First, cultural membership is an important condition of personal autonomy. In his later book, Multicultural Citizenship , Kymlicka drops the Rawlsian scaffolding, relying instead on the work of Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz on national self-determination One important condition of autonomy is having an adequate range of options from which to choose Raz Kymlicka moves from these premises about the instrumental value of cultural membership to the egalitarian claim that because members of minority groups are disadvantaged in terms of access to their own cultures in contrast to members of the majority culture , they are entitled to special protections.

According to luck egalitarians, individuals should be held responsible for inequalities resulting from their own choices, but not for inequalities deriving from unchosen circumstances Dworkin ; Rakowski The latter inequalities are the collective responsibility of citizens to address. Luck egalitarians argue that those born into poor families are entitled to collective support and assistance via a redistributive tax scheme. Kymlicka adds cultural membership to this list of unchosen inequalities.

If one is born into the dominant culture of society, one enjoys good brute luck, whereas those who belong to minority cultures suffer disadvantages in virtue of the bad brute luck of their minority status. Insofar as inequality in access to cultural membership stems from luck as opposed to individual choices and one suffers disadvantages as a result of it, members of minority groups can reasonably demand that members of the majority culture must share in bearing the costs of accommodation.

Why not just enforce antidiscrimination laws, stopping short of any positive accommodations for minority groups? Kymlicka and other liberal theorists of multiculturalism contend that antidiscrimination laws fall short of treating members of minority groups as equals; this is because states cannot be neutral with respect to culture.

In culturally diverse societies, we can easily find patterns of state support for some cultural groups over others. While states may prohibit racial discrimination and avoid official establishment of any religion, they cannot avoid establishing one language for public schooling and other state services language being a paradigmatic marker of culture Kymlicka , ; Carens , 77—78; Patten , Linguistic advantage translates into economic and political advantage since members of the dominant cultural community have a leg up in schools, the workplace, and politics.

Linguistic advantage also takes a symbolic form. In addition to state support of certain cultures over others, state laws may place constraints on some cultural groups over others. Consider the case of dress code regulations in public schools or the workplace. A ban on religious dress burdens religious individuals, as in the case of Simcha Goldman, a U. Air Force officer, who was also an ordained rabbi and wished to wear a yarmulke out of respect to an omnipresent God Goldman v. Weinberger, US When it comes to extrinsic burdens, however, liberal multiculturalists argue that justice requires assisting cultural minorities bear the burdens of these unchosen disadvantages.

It is important to note that liberal multiculturalists distinguish among different types of groups. It offers the strongest form of group-differentiated rights—self-government rights—to indigenous peoples and national minorities for the luck egalitarian reason that their minority status is unchosen: they were coercively incorporated into the larger state.

By contrast, immigrants are viewed as voluntary migrants: by choosing to migrate, they relinquished access to their native culture.

Another set of arguments for multiculturalism rests on the value of freedom. Some theorists such as Phillip Pettit and Quentin Skinner have developed the idea of freedom from domination by drawing on the civic republican tradition. Building on this line of argument to argue for recognition, Frank Lovett maintains that domination presents a serious obstacle to human flourishing.

On this view of freedom, we can be unfree even when we are not experiencing any interference as in the case of a slave of a benevolent master. We are subject to domination to the extent that we are dependent on another person or group who can arbitrarily exercise power over us Pettit , ch.

Frank Lovett has explored the implications of the value of freedom from domination for questions of multicultural accommodation He begins from the premise that freedom from domination is an important human good and that we have a prima facie obligation to reduce domination. He argues that the state should not accommodate social practices that directly involve domination. As for practices that do not involve subjecting individuals to domination, accommodation is permissible but not necessarily required.

Accommodation is only required if accommodation would advance the goal of reducing domination. He discusses one stylized example based on a familiar real-world case: the practice among Muslim women and girls of wearing headscarves.

A key empirical assumption here is that combating patriarchal practices within minority communities would be easier if the burdens on more benign practices, such as wearing headscarves, are lessened.

He discusses the case of Mexican immigrant laborers with limited English language skills and limited knowledge of American laws and policies. In contrast to the communitarian or liberal egalitarian arguments considered above, the basis for the special accommodations is not a desire to protect intrinsically valuable cultures or considerations of fairness or equality but the desire to reduce domination.

Mira Bachvarova has also argued for the merits of a non-domination-based multiculturalism as compared to liberal egalitarian approaches. Because of its focus on the arbitrary use of power and the broader structural inequalities within which groups interact, a non-domination approach may be more sensitive to power dynamics in both inter-group and intra-group relations.

Other theorists sympathetic to multiculturalism look beyond liberalism and republicanism, emphasizing instead the importance of grappling with historical injustice and listening to minority groups themselves.

This is especially true of theorists writing from a postcolonial perspective. Such proponents of indigenous sovereignty emphasize the importance of understanding indigenous claims against the historical background of the denial of equal sovereign status of indigenous groups, the dispossession of their lands, and the destruction of their cultural practices Ivison , Ivison et al.

Jeff Spinner-Halev has argued that the history of state oppression of a group should be a key factor in determining not only whether group rights should be extended but also whether the state should intervene in the internal affairs of the group when it discriminates against particular members of the group. Theorists adopting a postcolonial perspective go beyond liberal multiculturalism toward the goal of developing models of constitutional and political dialogue that recognize culturally distinct ways of speaking and acting.

Multicultural societies consist of diverse religious and moral outlooks, and if liberal societies are to take such diversity seriously, they must recognize that liberalism is just one of many substantive outlooks based on a specific view of man and society.

Liberalism is not free of culture but expresses a distinctive culture of its own. This observation applies not only across territorial boundaries between liberal and nonliberal states, but also within liberal states and its relations with nonliteral minorities.

Bhikhu Parekh contends that liberal theory cannot provide an impartial framework governing relations between different cultural communities More recent work has emphasized the importance of developing more contextual approaches that engage with actual political struggles for recognition and give greater voice to minority groups.

Through detailed examination of how national museums in Canada and the U. Whether it be museum officials seeking to exhibit the history and culture of minority groups or government officials deciding whether official apologies for historical injustices are in order, they should respect individual and collective self-definition, respond to demands for recognition on terms that align with the terms of those being recognized, and accommodate internal contestation of group meanings.

As Tom argues, practices of recognition guided by these principles come closer to fostering freedom and equality of minority groups than existing approaches Some critics contend that theories of multiculturalism are premised on an essentialist view of culture. Cultures are not distinct, self-contained wholes; they have long interacted and influenced one another through war, imperialism, trade, and migration.

People in many parts of the world live within cultures that are already cosmopolitan, characterized by cultural hybridity. To aim at preserving or protecting a culture runs the risk of privileging one allegedly pure version of that culture, thereby crippling its ability to adapt to changes in circumstances Waldron , ; see also Appiah , Benhabib , Scheffler Waldron also rejects the premise that the options available to an individual must come from a particular culture; meaningful options may come from a variety of cultural sources.

What people need are cultural materials, not access to a particular cultural structure. In response, multicultural theorists agree that cultures are overlapping and interactive, but they nonetheless maintain that individuals belong to separate societal cultures. That we learn Liberal egalitarian defenders of multiculturalism like Kymlicka maintain that special protections for minority cultural groups still hold, even after we adopt a more cosmopolitan view of cultures, because the aim of group-differentiated rights is not to freeze cultures in place but to empower members of minority groups to continue their distinctive cultural practices so long as they wish to.

A second major criticism is aimed at liberal multicultural theories of accommodation in particular and stems from the value of freedom of association and conscience. As Chandran Kukathas , argues, there are no group rights, only individual rights. By granting cultural groups special protections and rights, the state oversteps its role, which is to secure civility, and risks undermining individual rights of association.

One limitation of such a laissez-faire approach is that groups that do not themselves value toleration and freedom of association, including the right to dissociate or exit a group, may practice internal discrimination against group members, and the state would have little authority to interfere in such associations.

A politics of indifference would permit the abuse of vulnerable members of groups discussed below in 3. To embrace such a state of affairs would be to abandon the values of autonomy and equality, values that many liberals take to be fundamental to any liberalism worth its name.

Working class mobilization tilts toward the redistribution end of the spectrum, and claims for exemption from generally applicable laws and the movement for same-sex marriage are on the recognition end. In the U. Critics in the United Kingdom and Europe have also expressed concern about the effects of multiculturalism on social trust and public support for economic redistribution Barry , Miller , van Parijs There are two distinct concerns here. The first is that the existence of racial and ethnic diversity reduces social trust and solidarity, which in turn undermines public support for policies that involve economic redistribution.

For example, Robert Putnam argues that the decline in social trust and civic participation in the U. Rodney Hero has shown that the greater the racial and ethnic heterogeneity in a state, the more restrictive state-level welfare programs are Hero , Hero and Preuhs Cross-national analyses suggest that differences in racial diversity explain a significant part of the reason why the U.

The second concern is that multiculturalism policies themselves undermine the welfare-state by heightening the salience of racial and ethnic differences among groups and undermining a sense of common national identity that is viewed as necessary for a robust welfare state Barry , Gitlin , Rorty In response, theorists of multiculturalism have called for and collaborated on more empirical research of these purported trade-offs.

With respect to the first concern about the tension between diversity and redistribution, Kymlicka and Banting question the generalizability of the empirical evidence that is largely drawn from research either on Africa, where the weakness of state institutions has meant no usable traditions or institutional capacity for dealing with diversity, or on the U.

Where many minority groups are newcomers and where state institutions are strong, the impact of increasing diversity may be quite different Kymlicka and Banting , She argues that it is not diversity itself that leads to changes in trust and civic engagement but the politics of diversity, i. The central issue, then, is not to reduce diversity but to determine principles and procedures by which differences are renegotiated in the name of justice Arneil and MacDonald As for the second concern about the tradeoff between recognition and redistribution, the evidence upon which early redistributionist critics such as Barry and Rorty relied was speculative and conjectural.

Recent cross-national research suggests that there is no evidence of a systematic tendency for multiculturalism policies to weaken the welfare state Banting et al. Both are important dimensions in the pursuit of equality for minority groups.

In practice, both redistribution and recognition—responding to material disadvantages and marginalized identities and statuses—are required to achieve greater equality across lines of race, ethnicity, nationality, religion, sexuality, and class, not least because many individuals stand at the intersection of these different categories and suffer multiple forms of marginalization.

A politics of recognition is important not only on account of its effects on socioeconomic status and political participation but also for the sake of full inclusion of members of marginalized groups as equal citizens. Brian Barry defends a universalist ideal of equality, in contrast to the group-differentiated ideal of equality defended by Kymlicka.

Barry argues that religious and cultural minorities should be held responsible for bearing the consequences of their own beliefs and practices, just as members of the dominant culture are held responsible for bearing the consequences of their beliefs.

Early opponents of federal multiculturalism argued the program discouraged social integration. Some charged that the real purpose of the funding was to secure political support from ethnic minority populations.

Despite such criticisms, multiculturalism remained popular with Canadians, though to a lesser extent in Quebec. However, the Immigration Act of lifted some restrictions on immigration from non-European countries see Immigration Policy in Canada. The ensuing shift in demographics prompted calls to rethink multicultural policies with a focus on the need to combat discrimination.

As a result, equity or rights-based multiculturalism increasingly defined the policies and programs of the s. The patriation of the Canadian Constitution added a Charter of Rights. But many Canadians began to associate multiculturalism with other basic and rights and freedoms enshrined in the Charter, such as freedom of expression and freedom of religion.

However, the Quebec government did not sign the Constitution. The Accord failed to secure the required consent of all provinces.

Nevertheless, in the federal government passed the Multiculturalism Act Bill C In the late s, concerns resurfaced about Canadian unity. Some opponents of multiculturalism believed that ethnic minority attachments to the cultures of their countries of origin were the main threat to Canadian identity. In their view, multiculturalism encouraged divisive dual and multiple identities and, in so doing, prevented citizens from simply describing themselves as Canadians.

During the s, federal multiculturalism policies and programs placed greater emphasis on eliminating barriers to economic and social participation of immigrants and designated minority groups. He suggested that this threatened Canadian unity and cohesion. With his book Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, philosopher Will Kymlicka emerged as one of the leading proponents of multiculturalism.

He articulated a typology of minority rights, which includes self-government rights for Quebec , special representation rights for Indigenous peoples and polyethnic rights which he defines as legal and financial support for the protection of specific cultural practices. In a later publication, Finding Our Way: Rethinking Ethnocultural Relations in Canada , Kymlicka presented evidence that multiculturalism did not decrease the rate of immigrant integration.

Using data on naturalization rates for immigrants, levels of political participation among ethnocultural groups, and rates at which new Canadians can speak an official language and rates of intermarriage, Kymlicka argued that the multiculturalism policy has worked, and that there is no evidence that it has promoted ethnic separateness. As mentioned earlier, multiculturalism was not welcomed by everyone in Canada.

Opposition to the federal multiculturalism policy was strongest in Quebec, the only province in which French is the majority language. For example, premier Robert Bourassa insisted that the federal policy was founded on a questionable dissociation of culture from language. He argued that the policy of multiculturalism was not suited to the majority-French province.

Many Quebecers expressed concerns that multiculturalism seemed to place French culture on an equal footing with all other ethno-cultural groups.

In contrast with the federal model of multiculturalism within a bilingual framework, Bill was described as unilingual and culturally pluralist. Bill addressed a widely held concern among many francophones that without language legislation, newcomers would inevitably integrate into the English-speaking community while selectively retaining their ethnic identities. In Quebec, the public discussion over the accommodation of religious diversity has been especially vocal.